Hearings
Hearing Type:
Open
Date & Time:
Wednesday, April 26, 2017 - 10:00am
Location:
Dirksen 106
Witnesses
Full Transcript
[Senate Hearing 115-73] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] S. Hrg. 115-73 HEARING TO CONSIDER THE NOMINATION OF COURTNEY SIMMONS ELWOOD TO BE GENERAL COUNSEL OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 2017 __________ Printed for the use of the Select Committee on Intelligence [GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov __________ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 25-887 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office, http://bookstore.gpo.gov. For more information, contact the GPO Customer Contact Center, U.S. Government Publishing Office. Phone 202-512-1800, or 866-512-1800 (toll-free). E-mail, gpo@custhelp.com. SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE [Established by S. Res. 400, 94th Cong., 2d Sess.] RICHARD BURR, North Carolina, Chairman MARK R. WARNER, Virginia, Vice Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California MARCO RUBIO, Florida RON WYDEN, Oregon SUSAN COLLINS, Maine MARTIN HEINRICH, New Mexico ROY BLUNT, Missouri ANGUS KING, Maine JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma JOE MANCHIN, West Virginia TOM COTTON, Arkansas KAMALA HARRIS, California JOHN CORNYN, Texas MITCH McCONNELL, Kentucky, Ex Officio CHUCK SCHUMER, New York, Ex Officio JOHN McCAIN, Arizona, Ex Officio JACK REED, Rhode Island, Ex Officio ---------- Chris Joyner, Staff Director Michael Casey, Minority Staff Director Kelsey Stroud Bailey, Chief Clerk CONTENTS ---------- APRIL 26, 2017 OPENING STATEMENTS Burr, Hon. Richard, Chairman, a U.S. Senator from North Carolina. 1 Warner, Hon. Mark R., Vice Chairman, a U.S. Senator from Virginia 3 WITNESSES Kaine, Hon. Tim, a U.S. Senator from Virginia.................... 4 Elwood, Courtney, nominated to be General Counsel................ 6 Prepared Statement........................................... 9 SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL Questionnaire for Completion by Presidential Nominees............ 32 Prehearing Questions and Responses............................... 49 Follow up Questions for Mrs. Elwood from Senators Wyden and Heinrich....................................................... 68 HEARING TO CONSIDER THE NOMINATION OF COURTNEY SIMMONS ELWOOD TO BE GENERAL COUNSEL OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY ---------- WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26, 2017 U.S. Senate, Select Committee on Intelligence, Washington, DC. The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:08 a.m. in Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Richard Burr (Chairman of the Committee) presiding. Committee Members Present: Senators Burr (presiding), Warner, Collins, Blunt, Lankford, Cotton, Cornyn, Feinstein, Wyden, Heinrich, King, and Harris. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD BURR, CHAIRMAN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM NORTH CAROLINA Chairman Burr. I'd like to call the hearing to order. I'd like to welcome our witness today, Mrs. Courtney Elwood, President Trump's nominee to be the next General Counsel of the Central Intelligence Agency. Courtney, congratulations on your nomination. And I'd like to recognize your husband John--John, wave your hand there. [Mr. Elwood waves.] Thank you John for the support you give to Courtney. Courtney, you've served the country with distinction in your previous posts at the White House and the Department of Justice, and we appreciate your continued willingness to serve. Our goal in conducting this hearing is to enable the committee to consider Mrs. Elwood's qualifications and to allow for thoughtful deliberation by our members. She's already provided substantive written questions--answers to more than 90 questions presented by the committee and its members. Today, of course, members will be able to ask additional questions and to hear from Mrs. Elwood in this open session. Courtney comes in front of the committee with a distinguished legal career. After graduating Yale Law School in 1994, Courtney clerked for the U.S. District Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, after which she went to clerk for Chief Justice William Rehnquist of the Supreme Court. Courtney then took a job as an associate with the firm of Kellogg Hansen, where she is now a partner. In January 2001, she left the firm to serve as Associate Counsel to the President, rising through the ranks to Deputy Counsel to the Vice President and then Deputy Chief of Staff and Counselor to the Attorney General. During the extremely difficult time in the days and weeks and months after 9/11, Mrs. Elwood provided sound legal counsel to our Nation's leaders as they considered what tools the intelligence community needed to combat terrorism and to secure our Nation. Mrs. Elwood, you've been asked to serve as the chief legal officer of the Central Intelligence Agency at a time when the Agency and the intelligence community as a whole face complex legal questions and a host of challenging priorities. The CIA's General Counsel must provide sound and timely legal advice to the Director and must manage an office responsible for legal oversight and compliance at the world's premier intelligence agency. But, more than that, the CIA General Counsel maintains a vital public trust. Part of your job will be to ensure for the American people that above all the Agency operates lawfully, ethically, and morally. Since you left government service, the nature and number of challenges and threats the intelligence community is tracking have multiplied significantly. While Americans continue to engage in robust debate about which intelligence authorities are right, appropriate, and lawful, I expect you to ensure that the Agency operates within the bounds of the law and to ensure that the Office of General Counsel is positioned to provide the best legal advice possible to Director Pompeo and to the Agency as a whole. This committee has received letters of support from your current and former colleagues and a letter of support signed by those that have served in both Democrat and Republican administrations. Your former colleagues praised your acumen, integrity, and judgment, and--and I quote--``deep respect for the rule of law.'' Jack Goldsmith, a professor at the Harvard Law School who has known you since you were a law student at Yale, referred to you as ``a superb, independent-minded lawyer.'' A letter from the D.C. Bar Association Committee on National Security Law, Policy, and Practices highlighted your deep-seated commitment to the rule of law and to our democratic principles. And your colleague Ben Powell, former General Counsel to the DNI, had this to say: ``She's simply one of the finest lawyers and persons I've ever worked with in my career.'' After meeting you, it's easy to see how you've garnered such widespread, consistent accolades. I know that your strong moral compass and sharp legal mind will serve you well as the General Counsel of the Central Intelligence Agency. As I mentioned to Director Pompeo during his nomination hearing, I can assure you that this committee will continue to faithfully follow its charter and conduct vigorous and real- time oversight over the intelligence community, its operations, and its activities. We'll ask difficult questions, probing questions, of you and your staff, and we expect honest, complete, and, more importantly, timely responses. I look forward to supporting your nomination and ensuring its consideration without delay. Thank you again for being here and for your service to the country. I look forward to your testimony. I now recognize the Vice Chairman for any opening statements he might make. STATEMENT OF HON. MARK R. WARNER, VICE CHAIRMAN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA Vice Chairman Warner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Welcome, Mrs. Elwood. Again, congratulations on your nomination to serve as General Counsel of the CIA. I see John as well, although I do have to question to a degree your legal judgment by bringing my friend Tim Kaine as an introducing factor, but I will overlook that. [Laughter.] Obviously, this position is tremendous responsibility, one that requires a careful review of the qualifications and character of the individual nominated. I echo a lot of the comments that the Chairman has made. If confirmed, you'll be sitting at a critical intersection between intelligence and policymaking. As the CIA's top legal officer, the Director will turn to you to make judgments on whether a contemplated activity is legal or not. This job requires a leader with unimpeachable integrity and unwavering commitment to the Constitution and laws of the United States, who will apply both sound legal analysis and good judgment to the task of providing counsel to the agency. During our conversation when we had a chance to visit, you and I agreed that politics has no place in the CIA General Counsel's Office. We discussed the need to follow the law, including the Army Field Manual, to ensure that torture does not tarnish the reputation of the intelligence community or this country again. Mrs. Elwood, during my questions I will again want your public assurance today that you will always seek to provide unbiased, unvarnished, and timely legal counsel to the Director of the CIA, even when doing so might be inconvenient or uncomfortable. Obviously, there will be a number of challenges that will require that kind of legal judgment going forward. Those challenges will include making sure we continue to protect the privacy and civil liberties of Americans; the increasing use and relevance of vast amounts of public information creates a significant challenge and opportunity for the whole CIA and the whole IC. We've got to always make sure that we are protecting the privacy and civil liberties of United States citizens as we take on these new tools moving forward. An issue I know a number of us on the committee have been very concerned about and I think will come back again is encryption. Again, related to privacy concerns, the intelligence community needs to find ways to access the communications of our adversaries while protecting privacy rights and American commercial ingenuity. I believe we cannot tie the hands of our technology leaders by unilaterally disarming them with possible security loopholes. An area again that this committee has looked on is information-sharing. The rapid change of information technology enables significant sharing of classified information and we must work to find ways to have the appropriate level of sharing. Finally, a subject that has had a lot of the attention of the committee recently. Chairman Burr and I have committed to conduct a review of the intelligence supporting the intelligence community's assessment that Russia, at the direction of President Vladimir Putin, sought to influence the 2016 U.S. presidential election. It's important that all Americans fully understand the extent of Russia's involvement. It is vital that the CIA, pursuant to your legal guidance, support our investigation to the maximum extent possible and allow this committee to follow the facts wherever they may lead. This is a charge I take seriously, all the members of the committee take seriously, on behalf of the American people, and we will continue to pursue this both thoroughly and expeditiously. I will again during my questions ask you to commit to me and all members of the committee that you will fully cooperate with this review and that you will do all you can to ensure that we're provided the information we will require to conduct it. With that, again thank you for being here, Mrs. Elwood, and I look forward to today's hearing. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Thank you, Vice Chairman. I'd like to at this time recognize our colleague the distinguished Senator from Virginia Tim Kaine, who will introduce Mrs. Elwood. Senator Kaine. STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE, A U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, Vice Chair, and members of the committee. This is an honor. One of my favorite things to do in the Senate is bring talented Virginians before the body who are committed to public service and Mrs. Elwood is such an individual. I'm just going to warn you, doing this in front of my senior Senator and also the only Alexandria native in the Senate, Senator King from Maine, makes me feel a little bit nervous. Some of you need to know that, the non-Virginians here need to know, that Mrs. Elwood lives down the street from Senator Warner. On that score, Mark, will you take your Christmas lights down? [Laughter.] That was a joke. Actually, she has trick or treated at Senator Warner's house and the first test of her discretion as an intel professional will be not revealing costumes that she's seen over the years. [Laughter.] As I said, it's always rewarding. I know all of us feel this way about our states, that we have deep talent pools of wonderful people who are public servants, and public servants often don't get the thanks that they deserve. They don't get the appreciation they deserve. But bringing somebody before this committee or others who is willing to serve in a really important position does give me a real sense of pride. I think that people who arrive here are the creatures of their experience. So frequently that experience begins with an upbringing and lessons learned as kids through parents, teachers, grandparents, counselors, or other mentors. With Mrs. Elwood, that's no exception. She had a foundation in family that really laid the groundwork for her public service career. Her father, the late General Edwin Simmons, served in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam as a United States Marine, and his legacy continues in the Marine Corps today. One of the buildings at Marine Corps University in Quantico is named after her dad. Her mother was a dedicated public servant as well, working and traveling the world in the Foreign Service before settling in Northern Virginia. Courtney's been a path-breaker in her career. She was in the first class of a high school, Fairfax West Potomac High School, that was formed through the merger of two very competitive high schools and this first class had to create new traditions and bring together folks who had been, at least on the athletic fields, rivals before. Then she went to Washington and Lee for undergrad, where she was in the second class of women and people used to say she must be a feminist because she raised her hand. So she's been willing to be a path-breaker and has had encouragement from family and professors to do that. When Courtney finished at W&L, as was mentioned, she went to Yale Law School and she worked with our Senate colleagues, the younger Senators Bennet and Coons, who were at Yale Law School the same time as she was. She's now worked in the legal profession for 20 years and the Chairman went through some of her experience, including public service experience serving as a clerk on the Fourth Circuit, serving in the very prestigious position as a clerk on the Supreme Court for Chief Justice Rehnquist, as counsel in the White House, the Office of Vice President, the Department of Justice. And I also know many of Courtney's law partners in private practice well and it's a private firm that is filled with people that are very public-spirited, Democrats and Republicans. They appreciate those who are public-spirited and I know Courtney has absorbed that lesson from them as well. Courtney will I know talk about her family. Her husband John is here. The two boys, ages 15 and 12, live in Alexandria. They're in school today. But I'll just conclude and say that so much of what we do depends upon the talent of the people that we bring into these very, very different positions. With Courtney Elwood you have somebody of a sterling professional background, but more importantly I think for purposes of this position, with a sterling reputation for integrity that is necessary in the CIA General Counsel position. It's my honor to present her to the committee. As I said to the Chairman, I have a bill being marked up in the HELP Committee. Usually my bills actually go better when I'm not there, but I probably should at least go up to make sure that that's okay. So I hope you'll excuse me so I can head upstairs. Chairman Burr. Tim, thank you. You are excused. And if you would shepherd my bill through the markup. Senator Kaine. His is being marked up as well. Thank you so much. Senator King. I was hoping we'd have a chance to question Senator Kaine. [Laughter.] Senator Heinrich. I would second that. Chairman Burr. I'd prefer to do that in closed session. [Laughter.] Mrs. Elwood, would you please stand and raise your right hand. [Witness stands.] Do you solemnly swear to give this committee the truth, the full truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mrs. Elwood. I do. Chairman Burr. Please be seated. STATEMENT OF COURTNEY SIMMONS ELWOOD, NOMINATED TO BE GENERAL COUNSEL OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Chairman Burr. Courtney, before we move to your statement I'd like to ask you to answer five questions that the committee poses to each nominee who appears before us. They require just a simple yes or no answer for the record. Do you agree to appear before the committee here or in any other venue when you're invited? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Chairman Burr. If confirmed, do you agree to send officials from your office to appear before the committee and designated staff when invited? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Chairman Burr. Do you agree to provide documents or any other materials requested by the committee in order for us to carry out our oversight function and legislative responsibilities? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, consistent with the law. Chairman Burr. Will you both ensure that your office and your staff provide such materials to the committee when requested? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, consistent with the law. Chairman Burr. Do you agree to inform and fully brief to the fullest extent possible all members of this committee of intelligence activities and covert action, rather than only the Chair and the Vice Chair? Mrs. Elwood. Again, consistent with the law, yes, sir. Chairman Burr. Thank you very much. We'll now proceed to your opening statement, after which I'll recognize members by seniority for up to five minutes of questions. Mrs. Elwood, welcome and the floor is yours. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you. Chairman Burr, Vice Chairman Warner, members of the committee: It is an honor to appear before you as the nominee to be General Counsel of the Central Intelligence Agency. I want to thank President Trump and Director Pompeo for their trust and confidence in me. I also want to thank Senator Kaine for that nice introduction. It was a great privilege and pleasure to meet not just one, but both, of my home State Senators as part of this process. I'd like to use this opportunity to tell you a little bit more about me and what I view as essential qualifications for a CIA General Counsel. I come from a national security family. As Senator Kaine alluded, my father devoted his life to the Marine Corps and to this country. He spent 36 years in uniform, seeing active combat in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam. There is little doubt that good intelligence kept him and his men alive during those years. He would later write about the remarkably good intelligence brought by bold foreign agents during his fight at the Chosin Reservoir. When dad returned home from Vietnam in 1971, he formed the Marine Corps' history division, which he led for 24 years. He was a prolific author of military histories and he supported the work of many other military historians. He did so because he believed that there were lessons to be learned from the great achievements and the mistakes of U.S. warfare, mistakes that future generations must not forget. My mother in her own way was no less brave and tough than her Marine husband. She overcame poverty and more than her share of life's adversities to have a career in the Foreign Service before she married and raised our family. The lessons around our kitchen table were about personal responsibility, honor and valor. We were taught to adhere to our principles even if it comes at great personal or professional sacrifice. We were taught there is a clear difference between right and wrong, and we heard stories about America's place in this world as a force for good. If my parents were alive today, they would take great pride in my being considered for this position. It is thanks to them that I believe I have some of the necessary qualifications. Chairman Burr has spoken eloquently of the first prerequisite, unwavering integrity. In addressing Director Pompeo's fitness for his position, Chairman Burr rightly observed that because the CIA is an agency that works in the shadows, it requires a leader to be unwavering in integrity, who will ensure that the organization operates lawfully, ethically, and morally. I believe the same holds true for its General Counsel. I hope and believe that people who know me well would tell you that I'm a person of integrity. I certainly have lived my life with that goal at the forefront of my mind. A second prerequisite for the job is independence. There have been many times in my life where it would have been easier to go along to get along or to be for what's going to happen, but I haven't done so. When the law or circumstances have required, I have told clients and superiors things they didn't want to hear. If I were not prepared to do the same in this position, I would not accept the challenge. And if confirmed for this position, I will tell the attorneys of the office that I expect the same from them. But these qualities, integrity and independence, are already embedded in the culture of the CIA. The intelligence community has placed among its core competencies for all senior officers, quote, ``the integrity and courage, moral, intellectual, and physical, to seek and speak the truth, to innovate and to change things for the better, regardless of personal or professional risk.'' It would be an honor to join a community that quietly lives those values and to work side by side with the dedicated and skilled professionals who have labored in anonymity to keep this country safe. Of course, an effective General Counsel of the CIA must also have strong legal skills. You have heard my background in this respect. I have had the privilege of many great teachers, mentors, and role models, more than I could possibly thank. But today one stands above the rest: Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist. The Chief showed us it was possible to adhere to your principles without alienating those who hold other views. A prime example is that Justice William Brennan considered the Chief to be his best friend on the Court. The Chief built warm personal relationships with all of his colleagues through his modesty and humor, by being unfailingly civil and fair, by focusing on points of agreement over disagreement, and by listening and making accommodations where possible. I have tried to follow his example in all aspects of my life. Finally, and with your indulgence, I'd like to take a moment again to recognize my constant and shining example of all the attributes I've mentioned today, my husband of more than 20 years, John Elwood. There are also two other people whom I'd like to mention and who are dearest to our hearts, our two wonderful children. I hope that 50 years from now they will look back on my service to this country with pride. So that I could give you my undivided attention, they have remained in school today. With that, I look forward to answering your questions. [The prepared statement of Mrs. Elwood follows:] [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Chairman Burr. Mrs. Elwood, thank you for that very fine statement, and I hope that the school is accommodating by letting your kids possibly watch this on TV. Mrs. Elwood, there's been much discussion about the role of the Central Intelligence Agency and how it played into the detention and interrogation of terrorism subjects as part of the RDI program. Those detention facilities operated by the CIA have long since been closed and President Obama officially ended the program seven years ago. I think the debate space on this subject has become confused and I'm certain that the law is now very clear. Here's my question: Do you agree that it would require a change in law for the CIA or any government agency to lawfully employ any interrogation techniques beyond those defined in the Army Field Manual? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Chairman Burr. The intelligence community is at its strongest when operating with the full confidence that its activities are legal, moral, and ethical, and thereby in line with the public's trust. I think it's also safe to say that increasing judicial and Congressional oversight only increases that public trust. Do you believe that President Bush's Terrorist Surveillance Program was strengthened when we brought it under FISA Court and Congressional oversight in 2007? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I agree. I believed at the time and I believe today that the legal foundation for what became known as the President's Terrorist Surveillance Program was strengthened by bringing it under the then existing FISA provisions and the review of the FISA Court. Chairman Burr. Great. Before I turn to the Vice Chairman, I'd like to make one final comment in lieu of a question. You noted in your opening statement that a second prerequisite to the job is independence. I and many of my colleagues would agree wholeheartedly with that statement. Being an independent voice is not always easy and you'll be asked repeatedly to speak truth to power when serving as the CIA's General Counsel. I think you've displayed in your career the ability to be independent and I'm confident that you will continue to do so at the CIA. Thank you. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you, Chairman. Chairman Burr. Vice Chairman. Vice Chairman Warner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mrs. Elwood, again thank you for your very eloquent opening statement and our opportunity to visit. I'm going to revisit some of the things we talked about. Following up on the Chairman's comments about rendition and the fact that the law is very clear in terms of the fact that the Army Field Manual applies to CIA interrogations, one of the things that during the confirmation process of Director Pompeo, he committed to reviewing parts of the classified committee study on rendition and interrogation that are relevant. Will you likewise commit to reading and reviewing those parts of that classified study that are relevant to the office of the General Counsel? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Vice Chairman Warner. This committee is spending an awful lot of time, as you are aware and the press has made aware as well, on the Russia investigation. We have asked, the Chairman and I, and received in many ways unprecedented access and that has been the subject of some fairly extensive discussion. But the Chairman and I have worked through that with the Director of the CIA. But this is an ongoing process, so we're going to need additional information. My question is: Can you commit to ensuring that this committee will be provided with all the information requested pursuant to our ongoing Russia investigation, and that you yourself will do everything within your power to make sure that this is done, including by making available all necessary materials, intelligence reports, CIA cables, products, and other materials requested as promptly as possible; and finally, to ensure the CIA personnel be made available for interviews as requested by this committee? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir, consistent with the law, I do make that commitment. As we expressed in our private conversation, I view the work that the committee is doing as being vitally important, and I'd like to commend your leadership on that. As an American and as a Virginian, I was very pleased by the leadership that you and the Chairman have shown on the investigation. It is very serious work. Vice Chairman Warner. Well, this will go to the heart of again independence. There have been times with Director Pompeo--and I understand he has equities as well. But it is absolutely critical that we follow the intelligence wherever it leads. Again, we're going to need your help going forward. One other question I have--and I know fellow members of the committee have raised this at times. I think we may need a fresh look at the whole Gang of Eight and who's briefed on what, when they're not briefed, the timeliness of those briefings. Will you commit to making sure that those matters that are not involved in Gang of Eight covert action notification and other information regarding time-sensitive tactical matters, that you will commit to fully briefing the whole committee in as timely a manner as possible? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I have heard in my private conversations with you and others the frustration that you feel or that other members of the committee feel when they don't get briefed in, and I do think that this is an opportunity at this time, with Director Pompeo and Director Coats having sat in the chairs that you sit in, to sort of revisit some of the practices of the past and to make sure that the full committees are briefed to the maximum extent possible consistent with obligations to protect the, in rare instances, exceptionally sensitive information. Vice Chairman Warner. I think the Chairman and I both would rather the committee hear all the information that we often have. So I think there have been times--and other members of this committee have brought this up--where under the frame of the Gang of Eight it becomes information that gets caught in that bucket and then never, at least so far, has been able to have been shared with other members. I think it is appropriate to have a fresh look at this issue. Mrs. Elwood. Yes, I certainly will follow the lead of Director Pompeo and Director Coats on this. I will note that Director Coats had commented that it's often a conversation with the leadership on when they extend the briefing to the full committee, that he works or in the past the Director has worked with the Chair and the Vice Chair on timing of extending that. Vice Chairman Warner. The more we can get all the members read in on more activities, I think the better. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Senator Blunt. Senator Blunt. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mrs. Elwood, it's good to have you here. I was appreciative of your testimony and your desire to follow in the public service commitments that both your mother and your father had, very much in line with when I asked you, when we had a chance to visit, why would you take this job? This is a hard job at a hard time, and it's good to have you step forward to do it. I've got several questions about, frankly, the Terrorist Surveillance Program and not very long to ask them. So if others want to further exhaust your answers, I'd ask you to keep these relatively brief. I notice in a number of questions you were asked to respond to it was about that program. Give me a sense: What were the jobs you had on 9/11 and then after, and then the rest of your service in the Bush Administration? Mrs. Elwood. Leading up to 9/11, nobody, obviously, was anticipating, at least not at my level. My role in the Associate Counsel's Office had nothing to do with national security, frankly. But we all became sort of focused on national security. We were in the White House on September 11th and immediately thereafter I and a couple members of my office were sent to the Senate and to the House to negotiate the Patriot Act. Senator Blunt. Were you working then for the Justice Department or the Vice President? Mrs. Elwood. On September 11th I was working for the--I was Associate Counsel to the President, so I was in the Office of the President. And I stayed in that position until May 2002, when we had our first child. I returned to government service in January or February of 2003. I think it was January of 2003, to the Office of the Vice President, where I stayed until the beginning of Senator Blunt. And then you were where? Mrs. Elwood. Then I went with Judge Gonzales to the Attorney General's front office. Senator Blunt. And your job there was what? Mrs. Elwood. I was Deputy Chief of Staff and Counselor to the Attorney General. As any staffer in your offices would tell you, it changes by the day, but by and large my portfolio fell under the Associate Attorney General's portfolio, so it would be those components that fall in the Department of Justice under the Associate Attorney General, the Civil Division. In addition, I would monitor the Office of Legal Counsel, the Office of the Solicitor General, the Office of Legal Policy, among others. Senator Blunt. What would you have known in that job or what did you know about the Terrorist Surveillance Program? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I learned--my work on--I learned and my work on the Terrorist Surveillance Program began in December of 2005, when the President publicly disclosed that aspect of the President's surveillance program. Senator Blunt. To the best of your knowledge, were you aware of it before that? Mrs. Elwood. No, sir. Senator Blunt. Did you have a reason to have a reaction at the time to the critics of the program, critics like David Kris, who is a former Assistant Attorney General for National Security? Mrs. Elwood. Interestingly enough, David and I are old friends and have known each other forever, and once he heard about it he kind of asked me, ``So what are the legal authorities that support this?'' And we had a conversation. I was aware of the public statements about the legal authorities supporting the program and we had a conversation and some communications about it, and ultimately he did not agree with all of the reasoning, but he recognized that, as I did, that these are complex issues on which reasonable people could disagree. Senator Blunt. It would be fair to characterize him as a public critic of the program, wouldn't it? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Senator Blunt. I notice he's one of the people recommending you for this job? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. He very kindly sent a letter of support and actually organized a letter of support on my behalf. Senator Blunt. Are there other people who were critics of that program who are included on that list? Mrs. Elwood. I am quite confident that there are people that have signed the letter of support who did not think many of the things that occurred in the Bush Administration would be things that they would agree with. But I don't know of any others who have publicly stated. Senator Blunt. How do you think that experience of the Terrorist Surveillance Program and what happened when there was a disagreement, how do you think that would impact the way you would serve in this job? Mrs. Elwood. That's a very interesting question. I think that my experience with respect to that important program and how it was handled initially and then through the reexamination of the legality of the program in 2004, we hope we learned from how things were handled initially and the intense secrecy around the program, even within the Executive Branch. I believe I would be more prepared or would be able to better advise the Director on how to ensure that programs that would necessarily be secret, if they should be disclosed are thoroughly thought through and recognizing that in some instances you'll have to publicly justify how decisions are made on the front end on and on the back end. Senator Blunt. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Senator Feinstein. Senator Feinstein. Thanks very much, Mr. Chairman. I just want to begin by saying I was really very pleased to meet you, have an opportunity to speak with you, and I very much respect your experience and your intellect. I'm going to put the question that the Chairman asked you in a slightly, well, harsher view, but I think it's a real view. During his campaign, President-elect Trump publicly called for U.S. forces to use torture in the war on terror. He said he'd re-institute waterboarding, which he called a minor form of torture, and bring back, quote, ``a hell of a lot worse than waterboarding.'' Now, this brought a lot of condemnation from our allies and our own intelligence and security professionals who did not believe that these President EITs were effective in producing operational intelligence. Director Pompeo said at one point early on that he would support the return of waterboarding. Gina Haspel said that she would. When I talked with both of them and asked hard questions, they had made very strong statements against it both in writing and before this committee. So let me ask you the same question I asked Director Pompeo in his confirmation hearing. If you were ordered by the President--excuse me. If the CIA were ordered by the President to restart the CIA's use of enhanced interrogation techniques that fall outside the Army Field Manual, would you do--what would you do? What would you do as General Counsel? Mrs. Elwood. I absolutely would not follow that order. Senator Feinstein. But what would you do? Mrs. Elwood. I would inform the President that that would be a violation of the law and I would ensure that the--I am confident that the Director would also impress upon the President that that would be an unlawful act. Senator Feinstein. So I would specifically take it as your responsibility as General Counsel to do so? Mrs. Elwood. Absolutely. Senator Feinstein. Okay, thank you. In your prehearing question you were asked, do you support the standards for detainee treatment specified in the Revised Army Field Manual on Interrogation, as required by Section 1045 of the National Defense Authorization Act for FY16? Could you please here under oath reaffirm your commitment to fully comply with all governing interrogations, including the legal bar on the use of any interrogation method not listed in the Army Field Manual? Mrs. Elwood. Senator Feinstein, I commit not only to ensuring that the CIA complies with the letter, but also the spirit of that law. Senator Feinstein. Okay. Thank you. That's good. You informed me earlier this week that you had read the full 500-page declassified executive summary of the Senate Intelligence Committee's study on the CIA's detention and interrogation program. While some may continue to have differences of opinion, the Senate report is fact-based on documents, cables, emails, and to the best of my reading nothing in the report has been refuted. I think I mentioned to you, if the CIA had a problem with any of it we looked at that, we made some changes where we felt the CIA was correct, and where we felt they were wrong we so noted it. But their view is in that report. The full report is more than 6,700 pages, with nearly 38,000 footnotes. I believe it's time to acknowledge truthfully what was done and then move forward with strength and resolve to make sure that a program like this never happens again. Would you commit to this committee that you will read the classified version of the report's findings and conclusions if confirmed as General Counsel? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, Senator Feinstein. I'd be particularly interested in the parts of the report that address the General Counsel's Office. Senator Feinstein. Thank you, but that's just a small part of the report. Mrs. Elwood. I'll commit to the whole thing, but those are where my--that would be where my focus is. Senator Feinstein. It's a long lead, but if you look at things like where the Agency has detailed 25 cases where they believed it was responsible for their apprehension, the report classified version details where the information actually came from that led to that. I think--I feel very strongly that the time is coming for this report to be declassified, that it should not be hidden, that people in government ought to read it, people in areas of responsibility ought to read it, and to shy away from it, because it is an official document now, I think is a mistake. As you know, President Obama did put it in his library, so at least it's perpetuated there. Second question, use of contractors. This is one of the things that I have been most concerned with, not the least--it wasn't lost on me the three big cases where materials disappeared and security was broken were done by contractors, including the largest one ever, Edward Snowden, and more recently Hal Martin. Previously when I was Chairman I worked with Director Panetta and he had agreed to a decrease of a certain percent every year in the number of contractors, and the number of contractors has gone down. Government contractors are only supposed to be used if they are performing tasks that are not an inherent governmental function. So intelligence collection clearly is inherently governmental as a function, and I think that we need to continue to reduce the number of contractors. The question I have for you is: Do you agree that intelligence work is clearly an inherently governmental function? Mrs. Elwood. Senator Feinstein, you raise an excellent point. It does sound like a core government function to me, and I think you raise a very important issue with respect to the use of contractors. Senator Feinstein. Thank you. I agree with that. My time has expired. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Senator Cornyn. Senator Cornyn. Mrs. Elwood, welcome and congratulations to you and your family on this tremendous honor. I would--I know you've been asked about the Russia investigation by Senator Warner and I would just suggest that the same challenge that you and Director Pompeo will face and the importance of your integrity, your resilience, and your courage in withstanding outside pressure, the same sorts of characteristics I think are going to need to be demonstrated by this committee to maintain the bipartisan leadership that Chairman Burr and Senator Warner have provided, because there's going to be an awful lot of people who are going to try to influence this committee and get us off track. So the same challenges to our integrity, resilience, and courage to resist pressure from outside groups you'll be having to demonstrate, we will as well. I wonder--you've been asked a lot about post-9/11 interrogation and other practices. It really is kind of amazing to me that here we are 16 years after 9/11, the Chairman mentioned 7 years, I think, since some of the practices that have been asked about have long since ended, where we continue to revisit these decisions which were made, I think, consistent with the appropriate legal authority at the time. I'm very troubled by the idea that you as the General Counsel and the lawyers in the administration will be telling intelligence officers you can do this, you can't do that and if, consistent with legal authority that you identify, they do something, later on they're going to be criticized, perhaps for political or other reasons, for doing what is legally authorized. So can you tell us, who is the final legal authority on the scope of activities of the Central Intelligence Agency? Mrs. Elwood. Ultimately, under longstanding eighteenth century precedent the Attorney General is the ultimate determiner of the scope of legal authorities of a government agency. Senator Cornyn. And that's because these cases don't go to court typically, right? Mrs. Elwood. Generally not. Senator Cornyn. There are of course exceptions, the Hamdan case and others, where there is the Supreme Court. But I think this is an area where people are somewhat confused. They think that this is black letter law and often it's a matter of legal opinion by the Office of Legal Counsel at the Attorney General's Office. Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir, Senator. As I was alluding to in my conversations with David Kris, on many of these complex issues there is a range of reasonable interpretations and the Department of Justice or the lawyers being asked to provide an opinion give their best reading of the law, but it doesn't mean that there can't be another interpretation that is reasonable. But the Department of Justice ultimately gives its best reading of the law. Senator Cornyn. And just because somebody disagrees with the legal opinion doesn't mean that the authorities that you've identified or that other lawyers in the administration identify as conferring that authority, it doesn't mean that's wrong either, does it? Mrs. Elwood. That's true, yes, sir. Senator Cornyn. So I think this is--this is a real problem for the intelligence community, because, as I mentioned during Director Pompeo's confirmation hearing, I like General Hayden's book and concept of playing to the edge, but you're going to be the one that draws that line of demarcation and identifies where that edge is. And if intelligence officers play to the edge in order to maintain our national security here in the United States, I don't want them to be criticized later on or taken to court, publicly humiliated, or even forced to buy liability insurance for doing their job. Mrs. Elwood. Yes, Senator. As part of this process, in preparation for it, I reviewed the transcripts of some people who were nominated to this position, and I noted that some of the Senators were stressing the importance that the lawyers go to the legal limits. So back not that many years ago, the lawyers were being criticized for being too conservative. Senator Cornyn. Well, post-9/11 we didn't know as a Nation, certainly didn't know as a government, whether there were going to be follow-on attacks. So you were under a tremendous--or the Agency and our intelligence officials were under tremendous pressure by members of Congress and others to go as far as you legally could, correct? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir, absolutely. Senator Cornyn. And I guess it's just human nature that in the safety and security and after the passage of years, when we don't feel these imminent threats, then we somehow decide, well, maybe we didn't have to go as far as we did. Well, I appreciate your answers to the questions and I, too, believe that you're eminently qualified for this position. Thank you for your willingness to take it on. Thanks to your family for their support. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you, Senator Cornyn. Chairman Burr. Senator Wyden. Senator Wyden. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mrs. Elwood, thank you for our meeting as well. I join my colleagues in appreciating that. During his confirmation process, I asked Director Pompeo about what he considered to be the boundaries that apply to the surveillance of Americans. He said those boundaries are set by law. You are the nominee to be the General Counsel who, if confirmed, would advise the Director of those boundaries. Because the advice is classified and may not even be known to the committee, it's critical that we get a sense of your views on the law prior to voting. So to me one of the most important legal matters facing the Agency is how it should handle large amounts of information on Americans who are not suspected of anything. I also asked Director Pompeo about this. He said he would consult with a lawyer and, so to speak, now the committee gets to ask the lawyer. You have written that the Attorney General Guidelines governing collection on 12333 would impose--and I quote here-- ``stringent and detailed restrictions on big batches of information that include information on Americans.'' I read the guidelines differently. The CIA can actually conduct searches of those batches looking for Americans--looking for information on Americans. So my question to you deals with the statement you gave us. What stringent restrictions specifically are you talking about? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, as you know, the Attorney General Guidelines are publicly available and they were recently revised. They are public. They're not a secret. Senator Wyden. I want to know what you consider to be stringent restrictions. Mrs. Elwood. There are numerous restrictions. It depends upon the particular information at issue. So there are, obviously, less stringent use and retention requirements with respect to publicly available information. But even there, if it's U.S. person information, still the CIA's use of it is restricted. Then there is--it's a 30-page single-spaced document providing a framework---- Senator Wyden. Give me an example? Because the way I read it, none of this changes the fact that the Agency can conduct searches looking for information on law-abiding Americans where there is no requirement that they're suspected of anything. So I'd just like to hear you tell me, since you stated it in writing, what stringent restrictions would protect that law- abiding American? Mrs. Elwood. Well, for example, Senator, before certain information is queried it has to--the standard that is applied would restrict--it is not simply--they can't go and query anything they want. It has to be for, necessary to an authorized activity, so for the purpose of an authorized activity, and no further query with respect to publicly available information, can't go any further than the necessary extent to further that purpose. Now, with respect to different categories of information that are collected under different authorities, 702 has a different query standard, as you know, than a bulk collection of information collected under 12333. And I don't want to give the inarticulate--I don't want to be inarticulate about the standards. I want to be precise. And they are spelled out in a public document. Senator Wyden. None of this--and I'll hold the record open for this. I'd like to just have you give me some concrete examples of---- Mrs. Elwood. I'm happy to do that. Senator Wyden. But the point is the answer we've gotten this morning is none of what you have said changes the fact that the Agency can conduct searches looking for information on law-abiding Americans where there is no requirement that they're suspected of anything. Mrs. Elwood. Senator, there has to be a link to an authorized activity of the CIA at a bare minimum, even to search publicly available information. There are more stringent requirements with respect to collections depending upon the type of information involved. So I don't agree with you that there's no restraint on it. Senator Wyden. You get me the example of the stringent restrictions. Let me see if I can get one other question in very quickly. The Agency spied on the committee in 2014, searching our computers. They turned around and filed a crimes report with the Department of Justice against committee staffers. The Inspector General found there was no basis for the crimes report and it was based solely on inaccurate information provided by two attorneys from the CIA's Office of General Counsel. You, if confirmed, would be supervising those attorneys. Do you think there ought to be any accountability? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I understand there was an accountability board convened that looked at that issue already---- Senator Wyden. So---- Mrs. Elwood [continuing]. And exonerated the lawyers involved. Senator Wyden. But do you believe, you, do you believe there should be any accountability when those lawyers, who would be under your supervision, provide inaccurate information? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I understand there was already an independent accountability board---- Senator Wyden. I'm not talking about the past thing. I want to hear about what you'd do going forward, inaccurate information. Mrs. Elwood. Going forward, if there was a situation like that to arise again and if the facts presented themselves in a situation where the lawyers had not done something properly, absolutely I would insist on accountability and proceed accordingly. But that's going forward. I'm not revisiting the past. Senator Wyden. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Senator Heinrich. Senator Heinrich. Thank you Mr. Chairman. Thank you for joining us today, Mrs. Elwood. In reviewing your responses to committee questions, there was one theme that concerned me across your responses, and it's that you repeatedly repeat some very similar verbiage. I want to get this right, but you said at one point that you have not, quote, ``had personal experience with,'' end quote, issues raised by the committee. You, quote, ``have not previously had the opportunity to consider,'' end quote, issues raised by the committee; and that you have not--or that you have, quote, ``not done the legal and factual research that would be required to properly answer,'' end quote, important questions such as whether the CIA's former enhanced interrogation techniques are consistent with the Detainee Treatment Act. As you know, in this role you will be the principal legal adviser to the CIA Director, and you will be responsible for overseeing the CIA's Office of General Counsel. If confirmed, I hope that your lack of exposure to the important national security issues that we've raised will not encumber your ability to provide thorough, accurate, and effective legal advice to the CIA from day one. So I want to go from here--since you didn't express strong opinions on some very specific questions that the committee has asked, I'd like to focus more broadly on the scope of authorities granted by covert action authorizations and by presidential memorandums of notification. As I'm sure you know, these authorizations spell out the strategic goals and approved activities of individual covert actions. Is it your view that the authorized covert actions of the CIA are bound by the text of those authorities and that the CIA may not read into those authorities activities that are not explicitly approved within there? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I assume that there is vigorous oversight by the General Counsel's Office to ensure that the findings are written carefully and that the activities undertaken under the findings are consistent with the findings. Does that answer your question? Senator Heinrich. What I'm saying is that it is my interpretation that those activities have to be explicitly authorized within either a covert action authorization or a presidential memorandum of notification. So is it your view that the authorized covert activities of the Agency are bound by the text of those authorities in terms of explicitly authorizing activities, or can the Agency just read into those authorizations? Mrs. Elwood. I would interpret it as a statute, which is that it would not necessarily have to be explicit, that every potential action be explicitly stated in the findings, but that it would have to be a proper interpretation of the findings. Senator Heinrich. I'll give you an example that concerns me. The September 17, 2001, memorandum of notification that authorized the CIA capture and detention program, for example, made no reference to interrogations or to coercive interrogation techniques, yet it was repeatedly cited by the Agency as the foundational authorization for that interrogation program. So just putting aside the bigger issues of whether the interrogation techniques themselves were in violation of any laws or treaty obligations, based on the lack of explicit authorization for those techniques in the MoN, do you believe that the use of those techniques was consistent with the approved authorities as written? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, I have neither looked at that particular MoN nor do I know anything beyond the executive summary of the Senate study to answer that question specifically. But I believe that it is fair reading of the-- nobody has raised that that was not a fair reading of the notification. Senator Heinrich. Well, I'm raising it. Mrs. Elwood. Right. Senator Heinrich. So whether or not you've reviewed it isn't relevant to my underlying concern. When the committee receives a covert action finding or a MoN, we need to be confident that the Agency is not exceeding its approved authority. So if you can't give us your view on the proper scope of covert action authorities as a basic principle, it's difficult for me to be confident that under your legal guidance the Agency won't engage in activities that go beyond that legal guidance. Mrs. Elwood. It is a common practice in my 20 years of legal experience and also my experience as a clerk to have a statute or a rule of law provided, and you're not going to have a statute describe every possible activity to fall within the scope of the statute. But there could be a fair reading of the statute that would put things within the statute or without the statute. I would envision the same sort of legal analysis, legal analysis that I've been doing for more than 20 years, would apply in the context of a memorandum of notification. Senator Heinrich. I'm going to yield back my time. I have exceeded it. We're going to go to Senator King of Maine since we're the only---- Senator Cornyn [presiding]. Since I'm the acting Chair, Senator King. Senator Heinrich. Thank you. I didn't see you over there, Senator Cornyn. Senator King. Thank you. Mrs. Elwood, thank you very much. Welcome to the committee. You started your introductory by talking about your dad's experience with military history and I want to commend to my colleagues I'm in the middle of H.R. McMaster's book about Vietnam, ``Dereliction of Duty,'' which I find an extraordinary document with really important insights. I have to mention-- you've given me an opportunity to mention what I think is a very important book that should be read by everybody, everyone up here. Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. I understand that's now being taught in the officers' training course. Senator King. I hope General McMaster is also rereading it himself, given his new position. In your answer to I think it was Chairman Burr's, one of his opening questions, you said that you thought the 2007 law strengthened the legal basis for the Terrorist Surveillance Program. That implies--does that imply that you believe that there was a legal basis for it? In other words, does the President have inherent Article II power to do warrantless surveillance of U.S. citizens? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, the legal authorities underpinning the Terrorist Surveillance Program, as described in the public white paper I reviewed and then in the much longer, then- classified but largely declassified, opinion of OLC, did not rest entirely on the President's Article II authorities, but also rested first on the authorities provided by the AUMF. Senator King. The 2001 AUMF? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Senator King. Let's exclude that for a moment. Do you believe that the President has inherent authority under the Commander-in-Chief provision of Article II to order warrantless surveillance of American citizens, of American persons? Mrs. Elwood. Under existing law, absolutely not. Senator King. Thank you. And that gets to a more subtle question along these lines, which is reverse targeting under FISA. As I understand the way FISA is now interpreted, you can surveil foreign persons and there is incidental--there may be so-called ``incidental-pickup''---- Mrs. Elwood. Collection. Senator King [continuing]. Collection on American persons. The question then is, does it take further interaction with the FISA Court in order to query the data that involves the U.S. persons? Mrs. Elwood. The FISA Court, as you know, sets out the parameters, sets out the framework for that type of querying, and then subsequently does not revisit it any time an individual query wants to be taking place. However---- Senator King. But you see my question. The question is reverse targeting. Mrs. Elwood. Yes. Senator King. You can be going after a foreign person, you pick up an American person and that becomes the focus of the query. Mrs. Elwood. Well, reverse targeting is prohibited expressly. Senator King. And you don't believe that that is a potential issue or problem because of that express prohibition? Mrs. Elwood. I don't, Senator, because I think that reverse targeting is with the intention of actually picking up a U.S. citizen's or a U.S. person's communication, by creating the fig leaf by targeting somebody at the side that they know they're going to be communicating with. What we're talking about with respect to incidental collection is just that, incidental. Those queries that are conducted with incidental, there's multiple layers of oversight, the first being the one we discussed with the FISA Court setting the parameters for those. Senator King. My understanding is the government has taken the position in the recent past under the prior administration that once that data is in the database then they can query about the U.S. person without further approval of anyone. Mrs. Elwood. No, not--well, without going back to the FISA Court. It would be--I think Director Brennan and perhaps Director Clapper as well said that that would be a big mistake, to require going back to the court again each time there needed to be a query of the--and we're talking here about 702 collection. But there are multiple, multiple lawyers of oversight, including by the Department of Justice, the Office of the DNI in the Executive Branch. There is also---- Senator King. All that oversight you just enunciated is all within the Executive Branch. I like having an independent body---- Mrs. Elwood. Right. Senator King [continuing]. Called a court have a role in it. Mrs. Elwood. Well, having a court do it in every warrant, or a warrant or an order on every one of those, would mean that far fewer of them are done. It could seriously hamper the operational impact. I'm looking forward to, if confirmed, getting an opportunity to see how these are implemented---- Senator King. But you have to understand that this is a bootstrap operation, where you are in fact talking about the authorization of a warrantless examination of a U.S. person's correspondence. Mrs. Elwood. If I might add, sir, there is more than just-- there is an independent bipartisan board that also oversees these queries and has looked at it thoroughly and determined there was not a trace--that was their words--``no trace of illegitimate activity'' with respect to these sorts of queries. So it is layer upon layer upon layer already of existing oversight. And you're right that you don't have to go back to the FISA Court each time you want to query, but the FISA Court is involved in setting up the procedures from the front end and there are multiple lawyers of oversight on the back end. And while it may seem that the fox is guarding the henhouse, it's not. This is serious oversight by the ODNI and by the Department of Justice, checking every single query every 60 days. Senator King. I'm sure we'll have further discussion on this. I understand your position and appreciate it. I still remain somewhat concerned that you end up with a trove of data that involves American citizens, that can then be queried without further intervention by the court, which to me is the essence of the Fourth Amendment. But we can follow up. Mrs. Elwood. Absolutely. If I'm confirmed, I would really look forward to that discussion. Senator King. Thank you. Senator Cornyn. Senator Lankford. Senator Lankford. Thank you. It was good to get a chance to visit with you again. I appreciate it. I hope this has been helpful in getting information out, things that you're passionate about. I always like to be able to remind people that for the folks that serve with the CIA, they don't wear uniforms, they serve all around the world, they don't get parades, they don't get recognition, no one sees them at restaurant and buys their meal to say thank you, because no one knows who they are. But would you pass on as you encounter these folks our gratitude. Mrs. Elwood. Absolutely. Senator Lankford. As we try to do face to face as well. Any time I'm in Langley and I walk down the halls, I see people that are walking around the halls, they're thinking about tucking their kids in at night and they're thinking about all these critical things, but they're also counting on having a really good counsel, because they deal with really hard issues, and they need great advice and sometimes they need it really fast. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you, Senator. You make a very valuable point about these men and women who labor in anonymity to keep this country safe. Senator Lankford. Well, grateful to be able to have you engaged. You've got a tremendous background in dealing with a lot of these hard legal issues. You've been around a lot of these hard conversations and been through it. So we're glad to be able to have someone that can engage in that. I need to ask you one that your predecessor has also said is hard. Recently, in fact this week, Caroline Krass, who is the person you'd be replacing, had a speech and in her speech at Georgetown University Law School, of all the issues that she's dealt with, she listed this. She said: ``I think the hardest legal questions were those that surround cyber. It's an evolving area of the law, trying to determine answers to questions like what constitutes a use of force, where are the measures to combat such a use of force.'' They're really difficult issues and they're issues that we're struggling with on this committee. They're issues that this committee and other committees have complained about bitterly to the Administration, to say there seems to be no cyber doctrine, and we're well behind the curve on dealing with a clear cyber doctrine issue. This is going to be an area we're going to have to write a new statute, but it's also an area you're going to have to interpret a lot of the issues. So my question to you is a more general one than just trying to drive down into it. Will you be a part of helping craft a cyber doctrine and will you be willing to interact with this committee to say, this is an area that is too gray, I'm going to have to make a decision that puts the people at the CIA too vulnerable, we need a statute to clarify this and to be able to help us through that process so that we don't put the good people at the CIA at risk in the future, but that we also don't make everyone second-guess what can and can't be done? Mrs. Elwood. Senator, you raise a very, very important issue, and I would be delighted, if confirmed, to work with you on that. That's an issue that other members have raised with me in our conversations as well. And I certainly respect Caroline Krass, who is a long-time friend. We went to law school together and she has been an adviser through this process, and I will look forward to working with her in the future to continue to advise me should I be confirmed in this role. Senator Lankford. This is one of those ongoing issues. As you go through this process, when you get to that spot, just know this committee is thinking about cyber doctrine a lot and how we can actually get that established, how we work agency to agency, how we work through the whole of the United States Government on that, and what is needed legislatively to be able to help provide clarity on that. We look forward to that type of cooperation and direction we're going to go. Tell me as well--we've talked a lot about protecting the American people. That's the other side of this. The folks that work at the CIA are counting on having a really good counsel. The American people are also counting on having a really good lawyer in the middle of it that's able to push back and to be able to say, no, that is something that violates constitutional rights and freedoms. You are in many ways the first line of that accountability. Though there's good follow-up, there's good tracking of it, and there's good oversight through the process, the first line of that would be you. So there are a couple of things that we need, that I need to just be able to hear quickly from you. One is that you understand that you're not only the CIA's lawyer, but you're the first line of defense for the American people in protecting their constitutional rights. The second part of that is protecting sources and methods worldwide that are also essential for their security and for national security as well. Mrs. Elwood. Yes, Senator. The client of the General Counsel of the CIA is the Agency as an institution and ultimately the United States, and it is important for the Agency to use the intelligence-gathering tools that Congress has provided, but they must do so lawfully, protecting the privacy rights and civil liberties of all Americans. Senator Lankford. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. Chairman Burr [presiding]. Senator Harris. Senator Harris. Following up on Senator Lankford's question, when the CIA is considering doing something of dubious legal authority and the Director and the men and women of the CIA look to you for guidance, I know, and you've actually stated, the American people generally have a right to make sure that this Agency is following the law, but the American people generally will have no ability or visibility into the process by which you counsel your client, the Agency. So the question that I have for you is: How will you engage this committee to ensure that there is oversight of this significant, but often secret, legal guidance that you will give the Agency? Mrs. Elwood. Two points that I'd like to make in response to that, Senator Harris. The first is I will obviously provide the Director and the men and women of the Agency with my sound legal advice, but I will also provide them with my judgment. Sometimes things are legal, as you know, but unwise. Then, with respect to ensuring that this committee is aware, I have a legal obligation, as you know, under the National Security Act to make sure that this committee is informed of the legal basis that underpins any of the CIA's intelligence activities, and I would fully and timely provide that legal advice and legal basis. Senator Harris. How would you propose to do that? For example, would this be through a Congressional notification? Or how can we as a committee expect that you will reach out to us and notify and inform us of those decisions? Mrs. Elwood. There are a couple of different things. One is any time the committee requests information with respect to the legal basis, I have an obligation to respond. Then, secondly, there is a new provision within the National Security Act that requires a notification to the committee of any sort of novel or significant new legal interpretations under the law, and I would obviously comply with that as well. Senator Harris. Let's talk a bit about what we--I'd like to hear about your interpretation of what becomes significant. In your questions for the record you mentioned that and indicated that you would give timely and complete information about the Agency's significant intelligence activities and failures, subject to the limitations around protecting tradecraft and other sensitive information. Based on your experience, what circumstances would be considered significant and who would make the determination of significance? Mrs. Elwood. Senator Harris, that's an excellent question and I actually have not had firsthand experience with what is significant and what falls under significant. I obviously would look to past practice as well as, frankly, some common sense in determining whether something rises to the level of notification. Now, I know from just conversations I have had with Congressional affairs, and also reading about it in the history about it, the amount of notifications that this committee gets is extraordinary, multiple a day. So I assume from that that the threshold is fairly low on what is significant, but I don't have any additional information to provide with respect to how I would define that. Senator Harris. What character of, for example, let's talk about the Russia investigation. Would you agree that any information or developments as it relates to Russia's role in the 2016 election would be considered significant? Mrs. Elwood. If something was new that the CIA had information about, I would imagine that would rise to the level of significant. Senator Harris. Well, they've already done it. The election is past. So it would not be new in terms of conduct. Mrs. Elwood. New information. Senator Harris. So you're saying that if there's any information, if it is not new you would not consider that significant in terms of sharing that with this committee? Mrs. Elwood. Well, if it had already been shared, if it was just redundant. But I would examine it, obviously, on a case by case basis and based upon how the office has been doing it for many, many years and be consistent with that. Senator Harris. Are you willing to commit to this committee that if you come across information that relates to that incident of Russia tampering with the 2016 election and if you become aware that that information has not been shared with this committee, that you will share it with this committee because it is significant? Mrs. Elwood. I have no reason to think that it would not rise--that it would be insignificant. It sounds like something that would be significant, given the work that this committee is doing on that investigation. Senator Harris. And that means yes? Mrs. Elwood. Sounds like it. Senator Harris. I'm going to hold you to that. I'm interpreting that as a yes. It sounds like the committee is as well. So thank you for that. The role of the General Counsel is obviously to provide legal advice to the Agency and the Director. Do you agree that the role of General Counsel requires providing an unbiased legal position on all matters relating to the CIA free from political considerations? Mrs. Elwood. Absolutely. Senator Harris. And if confirmed, will you provide legal guidance even if it ran counter to the Administration's policy or statements during the campaign or afterwards? Mrs. Elwood. Absolutely, Senator. Senator Harris. Thank you. Chairman Burr. Senator Collins. Senator Collins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First let me say, Mrs. Elwood, that I very much appreciated the office meeting that we had, in which we went over many of the issues that have been raised here today, and I believe that you appear to have an extraordinary background for this very important post. I do want to get on the record a couple of issues that we discussed in my office. One is I referred to the fact that John Rizzo, CIA's General Counsel during the Agency's enhanced interrogation program, wrote in his autobiography that it was a big mistake that all members of the Intelligence Committees were not briefed on the program until 2006, which was four years after the program began. And indeed, the existence of the program for a time was concealed even from the Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of State. Do you agree with his view that it was a mistake for Congress not to have been briefed on this program? The Intelligence Committees, I should say. Mrs. Elwood. In a more timely way, yes, should have been briefed in a more timely way, the full committee. Senator Collins. Second, I want to follow up on an issue that several members have mentioned--Senator Lankford, Senator Harris, but in a more direct way. That is, in the private sector when you are counsel to a corporate entity, for example, it's very clear where your loyalties lie and who your client is. I want to talk to you just a little bit more to flesh out what you've already been asked, by asking you, what is your understanding of who would be your primary client as General Counsel of the CIA? Mrs. Elwood. It's a very good question, an important one for all of us government lawyers, if I become one again, to remember. The client for the General Counsel of the CIA is the Agency as an institution and ultimately the United States. Now, casually we think of the Director or the men and women at an agency as being the CIA's client. That is only true in their official capacities. If their interests diverge with that of the Agency, that CIA lawyer can no longer represent them. I remember very well when I was in the counsel's office thinking often and being reminded often that we did not represent the President, we represented the Office of the President. Senator Collins. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Senator Cotton. Senator Cotton. Thank you. Mrs. Elwood, congratulations on your well-deserved nomination. I want to speak briefly about Presidential Policy Directive 28. The Obama administration through PPD-28 and in other ways spoke about the need to consider and recognize the privacy rights of non-U.S. persons located outside of the United States. Do you agree that U.S. constitutional and privacy rights do not extend to non-U.S. persons located outside the United States? Mrs. Elwood. It is true that our Constitution--and of course we're talking here about the Bill of Rights--protects the individual rights of United States citizens and individuals in the United States at large. And I am also not aware of any statutory law that extends broad privacy protections to foreigners abroad. Senator Cotton. Is it a controversial statement of law that the U.S. Constitution and statutes do not extend to non-U.S. persons located outside the United States? Mrs. Elwood. I don't think people would find that controversial. Senator Cotton. I would agree. Do you think the CIA should take into account the privacy considerations of hostile intelligence services and would-be terrorists when conducting espionage overseas? Mrs. Elwood. No, sir. Senator Cotton. I agree. Can you commit to me that you will read the PCLOB's PPD-28 classified annex regarding the operational impacts on the intelligence community, once you have received your security clearance? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. I look forward to doing that if I'm confirmed. Senator Cotton. Thank you. I want to turn my attention to Section 702 now of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Director Pompeo stated in a speech a couple weeks ago at CSIS, quote: ``CIA steals secrets from our adversaries, hostile entities, and terrorist organizations. We utilize the whole toolkit, fully employing the authorities and capabilities that Congress, the courts, and the Executive Branch have provided to us, consistent with our American ideals.'' End quote. Part of that toolkit is Section 702. Director of Intelligence Dan Coats recently called it his top legislative priority to have reauthorized before it expires at the end of the year. Would you please comment on the importance of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act in general and Section 702 in particular to the CIA's mission? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, Senator. I obviously have not had the access to the classified information on the benefits of 702, but I have spoken to and I have read the statements of those who have. And they have, with broad consensus, all concluded that it is a highly effective and valuable tool and it has disrupted--and it's played a key role in disrupting specific terrorist threats that were aimed at the United States and abroad. Senator Cotton. Could you please describe some of the various layers of oversight and compliance that occur at the CIA General Counsel's Office, as well as the Department of Justice and ODNI and here at this committee? Mrs. Elwood. Well, there are many, many layers, as I was discussing with Senator King. With respect to inside the General Counsel's Office at the CIA, CIA lawyers provide in- person training and they sit with the officers who are doing the querying. The CIA does not do the collection under the 702, but they do have the authority to do querying. Outside of the Agency--and the Agency's querying is then audited by the Office of the DNI, as well as the DOJ, on a regular basis, and the General Counsel's Office is involved in those audits. That same level of oversight occurs at the NSA with respect to ODNI and DOJ audits every 60 days, and indeed every single selector that is used under 702 is audited. Not a single one is missed. In addition to the Executive Branch oversight, there is of course the inspector generals of the agencies have oversight authority as well. Outside of the Executive Branch, there is a Congressional oversight through the committees. There is also the FISC provides oversight, like I said, in the standards and reviewing and getting reports on any mistakes that are made. Then there's the fourth layer of oversight, which is related to the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, which did a thorough and detailed review of the use of 702, established that it had been a highly effective tool in disrupting specific terrorist plots, and they also found, as I mentioned to Senator King, no trace of illegitimate activity or intentional misuse of the tool. Senator Cotton. Thank you for the answer and thank you for your willingness to come serve our country once again. And thanks to all the many men and women you will be leading in the Office of General Counsel, which I think is great. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you, sir. Chairman Burr. Senator Cotton, thank you. Senator King. Senator King. Two very quick follow-ups. One is, I think it's important to note that we've done a lot of talking about the PCLOB. There's only one member confirmed, and I hope that you will use your good offices to try to move that process along, because this is an important part of the overall scheme here and right now we don't have a full complement of board members. Number two, I couldn't help but notice when you answered the Chairman's sort of five routine questions at the beginning, that you qualified them. When he said, will you keep the committee fully and currently informed, you said: I will, according to the law. I've never heard a witness use that. What's your mental reservation here? Mrs. Elwood. Right, consistent with the law. I'm just holding out--as you know, the statute provides that there are limits with respect to protection of sources and methods. So the Agency is obligated to provide information subject only to withholding specific operational details about sources and methods. That's what I was referring to. Senator King. So that's what you were referring to? Mrs. Elwood. Yes, sir. Senator King. I understand that. That is fine. I was hoping there wasn't a broader---- Mrs. Elwood. There's no broader principle I was alluding to. Senator King. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Burr. Thank you, Senator King. Let me note for the record that there have been some other witnesses that have qualified for I think the same reason. Senator Warner. Vice Chairman Warner. I would simply say, I know that this will go beyond kind of the focus of your job. This whole revisiting of how we're all briefed, what falls into which bucket, I'm candidly not even fully sure I fully appreciate and understand, although I do think it would be very timely to revisit some of those principles, because I do feel like there are times when Gang of Eight information, which in my mind should normally be things in advance of presidential action that Congress needs to be notified, not necessarily information that is simply sequestered into this very discrete group without having the full benefit of the committee's understanding, would be worthwhile to reexamine. Mrs. Elwood. If confirmed, Senator, I'd be very interested in digging into that and discussing it with you further. Chairman Burr. I thank all of my colleagues for your thorough questioning of our witness. Mrs. Elwood, thank you very much for, one, your willingness to serve; two, the expertise you bring to this nomination. I'll work with the Vice Chairman as quickly as we can to have any post-hearing questions presented to you. If you'd expedite those back to us, we'll very quickly set up a confirmation hearing, and hopefully get your nomination to the floor. We need you at CIA yesterday. Thank you very much. Mrs. Elwood. Thank you for your time. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Vice Chairman. Chairman Burr. The hearing is adjourned. [Whereupon, at 11:37 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.] Supplemental Material [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] [all]